A new memoir traces how a former Islamist idealist became one of Somalia’s most outspoken advocates for pluralism, accountability, and ideas-driven leadership.
Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame is one of the most recognizable figures in contemporary Somali politics. A former Minister of Planning and International Cooperation, he now leads the Wadajir Party while serving in the federal parliament. Yet these titles only hint at the role he has carved out for himself.
In a political culture still defined by tribal politics, Warsame stands out as a staunch reformist. While much of Somali politics revolves around personality-driven bargaining, he remains a relentless advocate for reform, challenging those in power, speaking out against abuses, and often doing so at personal risk. He insists on grounding politics in ideas and debating them publicly, even when that threatens the status quo.
That conviction has earned him both admirers and detractors. Critics argue that he misreads the transactional nature of Somali politik, what some call the “politics of the belly,” that shape the struggle for power in Somalia. Warsame sees it differently. “You need ideologies and a governing philosophy to organize a state,” he once told me, arguing that rebuilding Somalia requires more than pragmatism alone.
His new memoir, Adkaysi (Resilience), reflects that belief. Part political, part personal narrative, it charts his efforts to challenge the boundaries of Somali political culture and widen the space for principled leadership. It portrays a figure unwilling to cede ground to the cynicism that too often shadows public life.
Warsame’s early cosmopolitan outlook was shaped in Buulabarde, in the Hiiran region, where he grew up believing that religious identity could transcend lineage. As a teenager, he joined al-Ittihad al-Islami, drawn to its idealistic message of global Muslim unity. But when the civil war erupted in Mogadishu, that vision unraveled around him. Friends from other clans quickly fled with their kin, pulled back into the very identities they had once imagined were secondary.
He and many of his peers were left unprepared for the hard realities of clan politics and national fragmentation. Their education had focused on Islamic theology, ideology, and the promise of a “global Muslim ummah,” but offered little grounding in Somalia’s own history and social structure.
“Members of the movement lacked political, socio-economic, and historical awareness of their own communities. That disconnect left them detached from the real lives, struggles, and aspirations of their people,” he reflects.
Sudan revealed to him a society where ideological differences coexisted without hostility, in contrast to Somalia’s entrenched polarization.
Disillusioned by al-Ittihad’s insistence on armed violence (jihad), Warsme broke away in 1992. He gravitated toward the Islah movement, drawn to what he viewed as its forward-looking, pragmatic approach and rejection of violence. “Their message was that society could be transformed through nurturing, philanthropy, and peaceful persuasion. They rejected violence and believed that true influence, and eventually power, came from building people up,” he recalls.
Warsame’s worldview shifted further after receiving a scholarship to study in Sudan. At the University of Khartoum, he was immersed in a political environment where open debate was encouraged. His first transformative moment came when he witnessed a passionate public argument between Islamist officials and communist students. Sudan revealed to him a society where ideological differences coexisted without hostility, in contrast to Somalia’s entrenched polarization. This experience instilled in him a deep respect for pluralism, and the legitimacy of opposing views.
He became an avid reader, exploring the major intellectual currents shaping the Arab and Muslim worlds, from nationalist and liberal reformers to modernist Islamic thinkers such as Taha Hussein, Ali Abd al-Raziq, Muḥammad Abduh, Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, Mahmoud Shaltut, Mohammed Abed al-Jabri, and Mohammed Arkoun. Their ideas challenged rigid interpretations of religion and broadened his understanding of culture and political thought.
His intellectual development continued in England, where exposure to diverse viewpoints — from Tariq Ali and Noam Chomsky to Niall Ferguson, Francis Fukuyama, Fareed Zakaria, and Thomas Friedman — deepened his grasp of global affairs. Participation in university debates and policy forums helped him move away from hyper-sceptical framing and toward a more grounded view of world politics shaped by competing interests rather than theological destiny.
During his years in the UK, Warsame became a founding member of the Somali Concern Group, initially formed to advocate for the rights of Somali communities in Britain. As Somalia’s situation deteriorated, the group shifted its focus toward influencing international policy on Somali issues. They built access to key British institutions, including Parliament, the Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Chatham House, and major media — establishing themselves as prominent voices on Somalia.
Warsame’s direct involvement in national politics began with the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS), formed in Eritrea following Ethiopia’s 2006 invasion. The coalition brought together leaders from the Islamic Courts Union, defectors from the federal government, and diaspora activists — but it quickly became mired in internal ideological disputes. Some Islamists insisted that the political program should be established solely on Sharia and prophetic tradition.
Warsame and his camp pushed back, arguing that a modern state required comprehensive legal and administrative systems, not religious symbolism. After an intense internal debate, his position won out, reshaping the ARS charter into a practical political platform. A similar confrontation unfolded over the meaning of jihad: he insisted that the Prophet’s battles were defensive and that jihad fundamentally refers to resisting oppression and injustice. Hardliners accused him of rejecting jihad altogether, but his grounding in Islamic scholarship enabled him to counter their claims.
His composure and forward thinking caught the attention of Sharif Hassan, the former Speaker of Parliament, who later credited Warsame with helping prevent the coalition from sliding under hardline Islamist control. Sharif Hassan supported his ascent to Deputy Chair of the ARS Central Committee and later appointed him chief negotiator for the coalition.
Warsame briefly served as Minister of Planning in the transitional government, but his experience there collided with the realities of clan-driven politics. Believing he was part of President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed’s inner circle, he expected consultation and shared decision-making. Instead, he found himself sidelined after the president struck a political deal with Ahlu Sunna Waljama’a, granting his ministerial portfolio to someone from their clan. Anticipating his removal, Warsame chose to resign, a moment that deepened his disillusionment with political patronage and clan maneuvering at the heart of Somali governance.
In a country with weak institutions and limited civic education, Warsame believes he has a personal responsibility to help citizens understand their rights and duties.
Convinced that meaningful change in Somalia required leadership from the very top, Warsame twice sought the presidency, but both campaigns failed to advance past the first round. In his first attempt, he secured nine votes; in the second, fifteen. Ahead of the 2022 election, prominent businessmen from his clan pushed him to stand as their unified candidate, persuading other contenders from the same clan to step aside. Although he worried that grounding his campaign in clan identity would undermine his broader national message, he eventually agreed to their support. The promised backing, however, never materialized. He later regretted compromising his principles, noting that even within a single clan, political interests are fragmented and alliances highly transactional.
Despite these setbacks, Warsame refused to follow the path of many unsuccessful candidates who retreat abroad and reappear only when elections return. He remained in Somalia, determined to build a lasting political presence. Through commentaries, op-eds, and an active social media presence, he has worked to promote transparency, accountability, and informed public debate. In a country with weak institutions and limited civic education, he believes he has a personal responsibility to help citizens understand their rights and duties. His activism has come with real risks: in 2017, government forces attacked his home, killing five of his bodyguards and injuring him.
Warsame continues to straddle the worlds of politics and intellectual discourse. He regularly comments on social and religious issues and has not shied away from controversy. At one point, his secular-leaning interpretation of women’s status in Islam sparked heated backlash from clerics, some of whom accused him of apostasy. Concerned that the issue was being weaponized to damage his presidential prospects, he issued a political apology, a move he viewed as necessary under the circumstances.
His critics argue that he is a “lone wolf,” lacking a strong organizational base, a cohesive team, or the ability to mobilize broad political coalitions. They question whether ideas alone can translate into electoral strength. He counters that Somalia’s political class is uninterested in reform and remains anchored in patronage. “There is no opposition in Somalia founded on a coherent ideology,” he said in an interview with Geeska. “The crisis stems from a deep misunderstanding of the state itself, seen not as a platform to serve the nation, but as a vehicle for self-enrichment. That mindset has crippled our political landscape.”
Warsame embodies how idealism can challenge and potentially transform Somali politics. While he may not have fulfilled his presidential ambitions, he has injected ideas, and the belief in ideas, into a political arena often dominated by warlords, clan brokers, and transactional deals. What he has not yet achieved through electoral politics, he may still accomplish through thought leadership.